For the 4th year in a row Indonesian inflation was under control. Based on data from Indonesia’s Central Statistics Agency (BPS), the nation’s annual headline inflation rate was 3.13 percent in full-year 2018. By Indonesian standards, that is a low inflation figure. The final figure even fell below the central government’s 3.5 percent (y/y) target that was set in the 2018 state budget and it fell below our (revised) prediction of 3.25 percent (y/y). But it did fall conveniently within the central bank’s wide target range of 2.5 – 4.5 percent (y/y).

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It could be a coincidence but there is a peak in high-profile corruption cases ahead of the 2019 elections. In another article in the October 2018 research report we discuss the cases of the Lippo Group and Sinar Mas Group, two of the biggest conglomerates in Indonesia. It is widely known that big companies have their networks in political circles, such as the House of Representatives (DPR) and at the political top in provinces.

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Nearly one year after US President Donald Trump confirmed the US would recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and move its embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison followed suit by suggesting that Australia plans to make the same risky move. Morrison said Australia is considering to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and to move its embassy to the holy city.

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On Monday (08/10) Indonesia Investments released the September 2018 edition of its monthly research report. The report aims to inform the reader of the key political, economic and social developments that occurred in Indonesia in the month of September 2018 and also touches upon key international developments that impacted on the Indonesian economy.

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After Ma'ruf Amin, who is Chairman of the Indonesian Ulema Council (in Indonesian: Majelis Ulama Indonesia, or MUI), accepted Indonesian President Joko Widodo's invitation to become the latter's running mate in Indonesia's 2019 presidential election, there occurred some uncertainty about Amin's position within the MUI.

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Incumbent President Joko Widodo is expected to announce his running mate for the 2019 presidential election this evening (Thursday 09/08). All local media are gathered at Plataran Restaurant in Menteng (Central Jakarta) where the leaders of those political parties that support Widodo meet for an announcement. Also present is former chief justice of Indonesia's Constitutional Court Mahfud MD. Thus, it seemed clear who had been selected as Widodo's vice presidential candidate.

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Indonesia Investments received information that presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto has selected Deputy Jakarta Governor Sandiaga Uno to become his vice-presidential candidate in the 2019 presidential election. The choice for Uno is allegedly accepted by Subianto's Gerindra party as well as by the National Mandate Party (PAN) and Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).

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On Wednesday (27/06) around 150 million people are estimated to have cast their vote for the local elections in 169 regions across Indonesia (in two Papuan districts elections were delayed due to administrative and security reasons). There have not been any reports of disturbances (including fraud) and we can therefore assume that the elections went peacefully (and fair) across Indonesia.

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While according to the opinion polls incumbent President Joko Widodo has a big lead over his (seemingly only) rival Prabowo Subianto for the 2019 presidential election, he declines to comment on the race. Instead Widodo - often called Jokowi - chooses to remain focused on work as "a lot has not been completed yet".

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Entering the second quarter of 2018 chief executive officers (CEOs) have become less optimistic about the Indonesian economy and politics. This should be no surprise considering there have emerged significant concerns about a looming global trade war (with the USA and China as main actors), while further monetary tightening in the USA has been putting pressure on the Indonesian rupiah.

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It is November, again! This means that Indonesia’s provincial governments need to determine the provincial minimum wages for next year (these new minimum wages will kick in per 1 January 2023).

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While the 2024 legislative and presidential elections are still far away, we do expect Indonesian media to increasingly cover this topic in 2022, particularly if the COVID-19 pandemic eases, before this topic will really dominate national media in 2023.

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Another year has passed, and therefore we would like to wish all of our subscribers a happy, healthy, and successful 2021! The transition to a brand new year is also typically a great occasion to look back at the year that has passed and look forward to the one that has arrived (and some may even have made a couple of New Year’s resolutions in an attempt to achieve a certain goal or change a bad habit).

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In recent times, almost each year can be called a ‘political year’ for Indonesia as a big number of elections – especially at the regional level – need to be organized in this vast archipelago. Considering there are 34 provinces in Indonesia, containing 514 regents (kabupaten) and cities (kota), we see elections almost every year.

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In September 2020 concern arose over whether the House of Representatives (DPR) is trying to undermine the country’s central bank (Bank Indonesia)’s independence (from the government). The DPR’s legislation body came with a bill (a draft revision of the Bank Indonesia Law) that contains a number of controversial articles, making analysts concerned about the quality of future monetary policymaking in Indonesia.

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It is becoming clearer by the day that economic growth in Indonesia, in 2020, will be derailed enormously. Analysts and authoritative institutions (both international and domestic ones) have, again, cut their forecasts for Indonesia’s economic growth in Q2-2020 (decisions that obviously also have consequences for Indonesia’s full-year 2020 economic growth outlooks).

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What marked the year 2019 for Indonesia was national politics. Although in these present times each year feels like a ‘political year’ for Indonesia – as the country’s local elections are spread out across years (and in 2020 it will be the turn of voters in various parts of the Archipelago to elect nine governors, 224 regents and 37 mayors) – the year 2019 was in fact a particularly ‘huge political year’ for Indonesia because of the (general) presidential and legislative elections that were held on 17 April 2019.

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Although the signs were there in the past couple of weeks, it still came as a surprise to us that defeated presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto made the last-minute decision to throw his support behind Indonesian President Joko Widodo. It effectively means that his Great Indonesia Movement party (or Gerindra) – previously the biggest opposition party – has now joined Widodo’s coalition, and thereby handing Widodo a massive majority in national parliament.

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Given a variety of recent events, Indonesia has seemingly entered a liminal phase in its development trajectory, suggesting that its economic vulnerability will be tested in new ways. The present circumstances should be understood as a particular test for the ability of policy initiatives to temper the effects of perturbing exogenous factors and demand shocks to the overall economy.

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While the re-election of President Joko Widodo has done much to the quell anxieties over Islamist challenges to Indonesia’s pluralist and relatively-moderated socio-religious and political climate, the question of Islamist opposition potential remains salient for many.

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